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Tuesday, 22 July 2014

MALAWI Vs BOTSWANA: a view from the dependency theoretical framework




1.0. Introduction
The nations of Latin America, Asia, and Africa have been characterized by under-development for decades. Todaro (2012) defines underdevelopment as “an economic situation characterized by persistent low levels of living in conjunction with absolute poverty, low income per capita, low rates of economic growth, low consumption levels, poor health services, high death rates, high birth rates, dependence on foreign economies, and limited freedom to choose among activities that satisfy human want” (Todaro, 2012:122). Most post-colonial leaders in Latin America Asia and Africa and some scholars have always attributed this condition to external factors mostly the exploitive nature of International capitalist system. However, a single factor is not sufficient to explain underdevelopment. Underdevelopment is multifactorial. This paper examines the underdevelopment of developing nations from a dependency theoretical framework using the case studies of Malawi and Botswana. It argues that much as external forces have played a role in the underdevelopment, to a greater extent underdevelopment is an internally driven phenomenon.
2.0. Dependency Theory: An Overview
Dependency is a situation in which the “economy of a certain group of countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of another economy, to which their own is subjected” (Dos Santos 1991: 145). This relation favors some nations at the detriment of the other and limits the growth possibilities of subordinate economies. In dependency school there is a difference between underdevelopment and un-development. Underdevelopment is understood as a condition in which resources are actively used, but used in a way which benefits dominant states and not the poorer states in which the resources are extracted (Feraro 1996:3). This status-quo is maintained through the operations of international capitalism which has perpetuated the dependency of the developing nations (satellite/periphery) to the developed nations (metropolis/center). Even though the dependency theory is not a unified theory, there a number of core propositions which are common these are; International division of labour, class distinction and global capitalism serviced through International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and to some extent western education.
In the international division of labour, developed nations have condition the underdeveloped nations to be providers of raw materials and cheap labour. This explains why developing countries are characterized by resource extraction economies, and agricultural production. On the other hand, developed economies have capital intensive industries; they buy raw materials at very low prices, add value and sell them back at very expensive prices and gain the surplus. Amin argues that the accumulation of profits/surplus in developed countries does not result from virtuous savings as often claimed, it result from the dispossession of developing nations surplus (Amin 2011: 52). This explains the low levels of Gross National Savings in poor countries.
The international division of labour leads to disarticulated economies in in the periphery. In disarticulated economies growth in one sector of the economy does not stimulate growth in other sectors. In articulated economies growth in one sector stimulate growth in other sectors (Amin in Jeffrey 2012; 55). Economic disarticulation is  due  to  foreign  economic  control, it results   to  the  development  of  those  economic activities  that  benefit  core  capitalists. Thus, the international division of labour places developing countries in the realm of raw material production under the guise of comparative advantage. Malawi for instance heavily relies on tobacco for its revenues and prices are set by international buyers. This metropolis-satellite structure allows the development of the developed nations and the underdevelopment of the underdeveloped nations (Frank 1972:2). With the vast natural resources in the developing nations, the Centre-Periphery relations are maintained for further capital expansion (Amin, 1992:12).
Dependency results into underdevelopment through elite complicity. The elites in the periphery/ satellite forms part of the capitalist system and knowingly or unknowing advances the interest of capitalists of the Metropolis/Centre states. Thus, the elites or the capitalists in poor agreement have common objectives with the elites in rich countries and both benefit from this prevailing dependency condition (Jeffrey, 2012:15).
Global capitalism is also advanced by the developed countries and this is serviced by financial institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary fund and the other international Aid agencies. Loans given are attached with exorbitant interests and returns accrued from investments from such loans is just used to service back the debt and therefore no progress is made in national development. Further, investments by multinational corporations in developing countries do benefit the rich countries as profits are repatriated back (Jeffrey 2012:56).  


3.0.Beyond Dependency Theory Explanation: A case study of Botswana and Malawi
The dependency theoretical framework, though intellectually appealing is not sufficient enough to explain the development and under-development Botswana and Malawi respectively. Some post-colonial countries such as Mauritius, Botswana, Namibia, Singapore, and North Korea have made strides towards economic and social development. On the other hand, countries like Zimbabwe, Malawi, and most of the sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and Latin America counties are struggling to make a breakthrough into the developed nation’s camp. This reveals that the search for causes of underdevelopment is beyond external factors. This is evident when you examine the case of Malawi and Botswana.
3.1.     Malawi
Malawi a sub-Sahara Africa country attained its independence from British rule in 1964. By 1980 Malawi had a GDP of $800 million and a GDP per capita of $133 and an export base of cotton, coffee, and tobacco accounting to about $278.4 million (CIA World Fact-book 1982:147). Since independence it has relied heavily on agriculture with tobacco being a major export up to date. Its leaders have failed to take ambitious initiatives to modernize its agriculture base and diverse its economy to enable it withstands economics shock due price fluctuations of agriculture products. Despite receiving huge amounts of development aid for almost four decades little has changed. The real GDP still remains low, $2758 million and a real GDP per capita of $185 (Africa Economic Indicators 2013), hence still in the category of lower income countries. Malawi is facing serious challenges achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Poverty remains high, characterized by low standards of living, high mortality rate and food insecurity. With a lowest Human Development Index (HDI) of 0.418 ranking 170 out of 180 countries (Human Development Report 2013:146).

3.2. Botswana
       Botswana attained independence from British rule in 1966. In 1980 it had a GDP of $856.3 million (CIA World fact book 1982:26) and a lowest GDP per capita of $70 in 1966 (Lewin, pg1).  It had a poor communication system with no any railroad and only a few kilometers of tar roads. Despite all this, Botswana has emerged as one of the African Middle income countries with a real GDP of $8,404 million and real GDP per capita of $4190 (Africa Development Indicators 2012/13). Even though income inequality remains high, measuring a GINI coefficient of 0.62, its Human Development Index of 0.634,  ranking 119 out 180 nations signifies average social improvement. The communication systems have improved remarkably and poverty gap ratio and illiteracy rate have greatly reduced. Botswana. Development aid has been declining overtime.
Though some may argue that development in Botswana has been accelerated due to the presence of mineral mining, such a factor is not sufficient to paint the whole picture of development. Given the fact that some countries with more mineral and oil wealth have failed to achieve the same level of development then reasons for Botswana success have to be found beyond and Malawi’s failure to achieve sustained growth four decades after independence are beyond the dependency theory explanation. In the subsequent sections this paper will examine some factors that have led to Botswana success and I argue that the absence of those factors explains why Malawi is underdeveloped.
4.0. Factors Behind the Development of Botswana and Underdevelopment of Malawi
Some of the factors that explains Botswana successes and Malawi’s failures to achieve good levels of development are nature and quality of institutions, prudent leadership and a consistent coordinated policy direction.
Institutions can be defined institutions as systems of established and prevalent social rules that structure social interactions (Hodgson in Seidler 2011:16). Economic development and economic stagnation can all be attributed the quality of existing institutions.  Botswana has been successful in achieving sustain growth because of it maintenance of good and efficient institutions.  The institutional quality indicator takes into aggregate six Governance factors: Voice and accountability, political stability, governance effectiveness, regulatory quality and control of corruption. These factors are measured on an Index ranging between -2.50 (less efficient institutional quality) and +2.50 (best quality). Malawi in this ranking has an index of -.34 and Botswana has an index of 0.72 (Seidler 2011:44). This demonstrates that Malawi has inefficient institutions ranging from accountability to control of corruption while its counterpart fares better. To illustrate and support this point I will take the case study of corruption.
Despite the institution of Anti-Corruption Bureau and a Comprehensive Corrupt Practices act corruption still remains a major obstacle to Malawi’s development. The the National Integrity Systems TI Country Report (2004) observes that increasing corruption cases are due to weak institutions. Weak institutions in Malawi is due weak parliament which fails to questions some practices, inefficient accounting systems e.g. the Integrated Management Information Systems (IFMIS) which was compromised  and used siphon large amounts of money. The tendency of ruling to fund their political parties from state coffers is also a major cause of corruption. Since independence 1994 parties have used government finances and resources to fund activities instead of channelling the money to development activities that will stimulate further growth. The recent cash-gate scandal has just revealed the extent of corruption in Malawi where nation’s finances have been looted in big sums for personal and political interests at the expense of millions of Malawians living below the poverty line and declining economy. 
In the Corruption perceptions Index of 2013 Malawi is ranked 97 out 177 and a score of only 37 out 100 indicating high levels of public corruption (CPI 2013).  Relatively Botswana is on position 30 out of 177 countries with a score of 64 out of 100 indicating minimal public sector corruption. In the World Word Governance indicators Control of corruption Index Malawi has a low percentile rank of 40 out 100 and Botswana has a percentile rank of 79 out 100. Percentile rank among all countries ranges from 0 -lowest and most corrupt to 100 -highest rank and less corrupt (World Bank 2012). Both statistics above indicates that development in Malawi is heavily pulled down by corrupt practices in the public service. 
Institutions which can assist to curb Corruption are inefficient due to political interference. The Anti-corruption bureau, National Audit Office handling of the cash-gate has been questionable and up to date nothing tangible has been done on matter in which millions of money have been looted by public officers. The judiciary as an institutional of social justice just also been infested with corruption such that cases of Corruption are dying a natural death without justice being served- the case of Muluzi. With all these corrupt practices a country cannot develop. Corruption accelerates economic stagnation and social development by diverting resources for public socio-economic development activities into the coffers of the few.
High levels of corruption Malawi’s public service relative to its counterpart Botswana to a larger extent demonstrates that in aggregate governance institutions are more inefficient. The six indicators given in the beginning are closely interrelated.  It is hardly possible that a country shows excellent institutional quality in Rule of Law but fails in the other indicators, e.g. Control of Corruption (Seidler 2011:44). Therefore, high levels of corruption clearly indicates poor governance and inefficiencies in the remaining five indicators. Therefore Malawi’s under development and Botswana development has do to with the quality of institutions specifically on the control of corruption.
Leadership is another factor behind Botswana’s success and the stagnation of Malawi in economic and social development. The post-independence African leaders established authoritative states with exception of Botswana, Namibia and Mauritius. Botswana has managed to sustain a democratic system of government since independence. Political tolerance immediately after independence promoted the spirit of debate and peoples participation in matters of development. Botswana therefore collectively engaged in national building and not political witch hunting as was the case with Malawi under Kamuzu Banda exemplified in the cabinet crisis in 1964. Authoritarian regime led to the loss of human capital which migrated to other countries. George Ayyitey points out that democracy benefited Botswana in that there was an extensive inflow of talented political refugees from abroad contributed valuable advice to Botswana officials and businessmen (Beaulier, 235). Therefore, even though Malawi made progress soon after independent, she did not achieve as much as Botswana did.
Predator leadership plunged Malawi after the demise of dictatorial rule. The emergence of multi-party in1994 was opportunity to use sound leadership based on participation to stimulate development. Exceptional leadership counts as a factor behind the economic progress of Botswana.  However, since multi party Malawi has faced a leadership crisis. Predator leaders and political elites took the lead and siphoned a lot of public money in their personal accounts and abroad- the case of Muluzi and Mutharika. Though efforts to curb corruption have been made, leaders are in the fore front practicing corruption. The money which the country receives as donor aid has being ending up in the hands of the few and this has increased the number of people living below the poverty line and has increased income inequalities with a GINI coefficient 0.6  and overall retarded economic and social development. The blaim for underdevelopment in Malawi is to be taken by our leaders. Ayiitey emphasizes  that “what exists in many African countries is a “vampire" or “pirate” state -- a government hijacked by a phalanx of gangsters, thugs and crooks who use the instruments of the state to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribesmen” (Ayittey 2002:5). This has been the case with Malawi. Since 1994 things have changed for the political elites and little or nothing for a common man. Thus, with twenty four years of predatory non-visionary leadership we should not expect to achieve development.
Inter-related with leadership is prudent policies. Botswana has achieved a sustain development due to good development policies that both promotes private and public sector growth. Its leaders have consistently followed development policies and regime change has not affected the direction of national development. On macro-economic policy the government of Botswana since independence maintained a flexible taxation policy leading to private sector growth and attraction of investors in its economy (Beaulier, 235).  This, in turn has enabled it Gross National Income to grow over years. In 2012 the GNP was $14699 million relatively Malawi had a GNP of $4928 (African Development Indicators 2012/13). A sound fiscal policy has enabled controlled expenditure and improved national savings which are necessary for economic growth from the Harrod Dommar perspective.  On the contrary, Malawi’s expansionary fiscal policy has resulted into higher taxes thereby squeezing consumers and investors, obstructing private sector growth and resulting to perennial budget deficits demanding budgetary aid support. It is important to note that Botswana unlike Malawi has grown with minimal aid from the World Bank and IMF. This has prevented it from falling into the debt trap in which most African countries are into. Botswana relations with the World Bank and the IMF have been of advisory nature because the leaders recognized the dangers of heavy reliance on the IMF and World Bank (Beaulier, 235). While Malawi curse IMF for its economic problems Botswana already found ways of circumventing the effects of the international capitalist system through sound fiscal policies.
The power of prudent leadership coupled with sound macro-economic policies has potential to change the development landscape of Malawi. This is evident in the first term (2004-2009) of Bingu’s leadership. In 2006 the GDP growth rate was about 7.6%.  Inflation was reduced from 17.1%  in 2006 to 8.7 % in 2007, a record breaking since two decades according to the Africa Development Bank (AfDB/Africa Economic Outlook 2008:401). On social indicator improvement, in March 2006, 46% of families were declared food insecure, while in 2007 in same month the figure drastically dropped to 6 %.  (Ibid 402). The Malawi Growth and Development Strategies (MDGS I&II) are among policies which were undertaken with visionary leadership to spur economic growth and social change
In Malawi, the lack of institutions that would reduce risk, and near absence of public policies to facilitate the large infrastructural investments has been a distracting factor for long term investments by both locals and foreigners ( Booth et-al 2006:x). Continuity of policy and projects after regime change remains a challenge and implementation of  good policies has been a major problem. The Vision 2020 adopted in the 1990’s, Malawi Growth Development Strategies (MDGS I&II) are example of policies that if consistently implemented by successive regimes would stimulate development. MDGS vision of economic structural transformation is important for Malawi to shift its attention from primary sector and invest in secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy as this will lead diversification and reduce overdependence on agriculture. Project continuity following regime change is necessary. The Nsanje port which could have helped to cut costs for exports and imports has received no attention under the Joyce Banda administration and has just become a white elephant project, yet millions of money was spent. The current administration wants to score immediate political points by investing in low returns staff like the cow and shoes distribution than championing real social economic transformation which will help transform the living standards of the majority rural people who forms 90% of the nation’s population.
5.0 Conclusion
Following this discussion, it demonstrate that dependency theoretical framework is not sufficient to explain the development of Botswana and the under-development of Malawi and the rest of the sub-Sahara Africa Asia and Latin America. Countries which began on equal footing with a minimal difference in their GDP emerged to be totally different economies after four decades. Change of institution operations is necessary to promote rule of law and control corruption. Corruption has destroyed development prospects of Malawi and this has been acerbated by predatory leadership style which leads to poor macro-economic policies. The key to Malawi’s development is quality exceptional leadership that will rise beyond personal and political interest and transform policies into action. Malawi and the rest of the developing world needs leadership like that of Botswana to escape poverty. Policy choice and good governance, not historical determinism are factors behind the social economic development of Botswana’s. Policy consistency, long-term vision; strong leadership, able to discipline, co-ordinate harmonize the interests donors and different arms of government in line with a sound vision is all what Malawi needs to develop.




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