Total Pageviews

Tuesday, 22 July 2014

WIREDU’S CONCEPTION OF ‘CULTURE’ IN AN AFRICAN MODERNITY: A Philosophical critique


WIREDU’S CONCEPTION OF ‘CULTURE’ IN AN AFRICAN MODERNITY.
1.0. INTRODUCTION.

This paper is a response to Wiredu’s conception of “Culture” in An African Modernity. This response is fundamentally based on a thorough reading, understanding and examination of his claims and arguments presented in his two essays: one entitled: Custom and Morality: A comparative analysis of Some African and Western Conceptions of Morals” and another entitled: “Are there cultural universals”. In brief, in the essay “custom and Morality” Wiredu is advancing three theses. Firstly, Wiredu is arguing for Universal ethics, secondly he offers a comprehensive response two important theses in African philosophy; the opposites theses of communalism and individualism. On this, Wiredu is not tilling a virgin ground but rather continuing the work of his predecessors namely Leopold Senghor, Nyasani, Gykye and John Mbiti as well as other ethnophilosophers who tackled the problem of communalism when African philosophy was in its foundational phase. The third problem, which he considers in the essay, is the impact of non-African ethical modes on the African society. On this third problem, Wiredu argues that the modernisation of African society has had some impacts on the African culture. According to Wiredu, most of these impacts are negative as can be demonstrated in the opening of the essay where Wiredu argues, “The African today lives in a cultural flux characterised by a confused interplay between indigenous cultural heritage and a foreign cultural legacy of colonialism”. Worse still, the cultural amalgam has led to the imposition of the Western conceptions of the good upon African thought and conduct.  According to Wiredu’s most of these problems is traceable to colonialism. It is from this background that Wiredu conceives “Culture” in an African Modernity as falling short of identity and authenticity.
On the other hand, the essay “Are there cultural Universals” is a systematic defence of the view that despite the problem of the Babel of languages and difficulties in translation, people of different cultures can still communicate with one another. This presupposes the existence of some fundamental rules that unify us as human beings, morality being one of those rules. In this essay, Wiredu also gives a powerful analysis of culture. He argues that the term culture can be understood in two different senses. In its ordinary sense, “Culture” can be conceived as the social forms and the customary beliefs and practices of a human group. However, from a philosophical discourse “culture” is not just the social forms and customary beliefs and practices of a human group since these phenomena also depend on the existence of language, knowledge, communication, interaction and the methods  knowledge transmission to the born and the unborn, and according to Wiredu this is the fundamental sense of the term “Culture” (Wiredu, 1986:36).
This paper therefore capitalises on the two readings, though largely on the essay of “Custom and Morality” in order to respond to the claims which Wiredu advances. In particular, the paper will discuss Wiredu’s general conception of culture in pre modern Africa and his conception of “Culture” in African modernity. Communalism and individualism are to be discussed thoroughly, since it is on these two opposing theses where Wiredu bases his arguments and claims. The paper will also critically discuss the concepts of morality and custom. These two are fundamental in Wiredu’s analysis and conception of Culture in an African Modernity. A thorough exposition will also be given to the notion of Modernity, as this is vital to the question at hand. Lastly and most importantly, a critical response will be made on the claims made by Wiredu on the concept of “Culture” in an Africa modernity.
2.0.WIREDU’S GENERAL CONCEPT OF CULTURE.
Generally, the term “culture” is used to refer to a particular society at a particular time and space. It may also refer to the attitudes and behaviour that are characteristic of a particular social group or organization.Wiredu uses the concept of culture to boundary, says that the life in any society not politically organised is what he calls culture. Any society, which has no political organisation, is held together by the principles of culture, which may include traditions, customs and morals. 
Technically, Wiredu understands culture in two different senses. Firstly, according to Wiredu “Culture” in the ordinary sense is conceived as the “social forms and customary beliefs and practices of a human group” (Wiredu, 1986: 36). He further proceed, stating that though this is not the fundamental way of conceiving “Culture”, nevertheless it is one of the acceptable way of doing so and the most frequent in non-philosophical discourse. However, this understanding of culture gives birth to doubts about the existence of cultural Universals, which are universal rules that cultures share or general rules that enables people to link one idea with another between cultures. Understanding culture in the ordinary sense, however it to be humanly contingent, not humanly necessary.
From a broader perspective, culture is not understood as only the social forms and customary beliefs and practices. These aspects also depend of the existences of other variables namely: language, knowledge, communication, interaction the methods of knowledge acquisition (Wiredu 36). This is the fundamental sense of the word “culture”. It is this understanding of culture, which renders the existence of cultural universals plausible.
2.1. WIREDU’S THREE ASPECTS OF CULTURE 
According to Wiredu, culture governs human behaviour. It is because of the element of culture that is habit, instruction and conscious thought, that we have differences between people. Thus, habit, instruction and conscious thought are the main aspects of culture. On habit, Wiredu asserts that to understand culture in such a way is unhelpful because culture is supposed to be dynamic not static, changing with space and time. In other words, culture is something, which is evolving. Therefore, culture is not necessarily a habit. On the notion of cultural change, Wiredu in the essay “Problems in Africa’s Self-Definition in the Contemporary World” distinguishes three types of cultural change: firstly, there is a change that is deliberate and self initiated- this change substitutes something original for an old cultural element. In this, a cultural value is substituted with something emanating within the culture itself. The second change is a kind of change that is deliberate but it involves substituting a cultural value with something foreign. The last change is the one, which is neither self-initiated nor original in its replacement. Wiredu considers this as the most problematic as it causes severe subverted identity and this the condition of modern Africa. Their colonial mentality makes them overvalue foreign things coming from the colonial masters. Wiredu emphasises that “things” in this case is to be interpreted widely to include not only material but also western modes of thought and behaviour. It is from the same background that Frantz Fanon advocates for what he calls “epistemological decolonisation” to retain the identity and authenticity of an African person, because in modern Africa, the African person has lost his selfhood by adopting western modes of thought and existence. When Wiredu examine culture in an African Modernity, he places the above-mentioned effects as a centre of his concern and the central point of analysis.
Furthermore, Wiredu argues that Culture is also something that can be learnt and talked. However, the problem with this is that it is difficult to determine the contents of the lessons on culture. One of the fundamental problems is the case where one culture is assimilated into other cultures. Lastly, culture should be understood as conscious thought and speech. Culture therefore is not a routine. 
3.0.MODERNITY AND AFRICAN CULTURE.
Modernity is understood to encompass three things: industrialisation, communication as well as commerce and trade. Therefore, though Wiredu does not define what modernity is, still we can infer form the readings that modernity is manifested in the coming of colonialism, which helped in the transformation of the rural areas into urban through the process of industrialisation. This was accompanied by the introduction of Christianity, which further led to the introduction of a “new morality” based on the Bible and Christian ethics, in general. Colonisation brought into Africa a western culture. The advent of this western culture changed people’s outlook drastically. Colonisation devoured the African native cultures and left out a culture whose identity and authenticity is deformed and left the people in the urban mimicking the westerners blindly.  In order to fully capture the influence of modernity on the African culture, Wiredu draws several examples of moral decay mostly drawn from the Akan society in Nigeria. These include cases of rising levels of corruption and crime. It is from these inferences that Wiredu applies his conclusions to the whole of African continent.
Wiredu argues that the indigenous cultural heritage draws much on modernity. There is a conflict between modernity and tradition. Tradition is weaker while modernity is stronger. Due to this scenario, there is a superimposition of conduct on the native African and this superimposition is being fuelled by the process of urbanisation, in which rural areas are fast transforming into towns.
However before we consider or cite such examples, it is necessary to consider Wiredu’s treatment of Morality and custom as well as his treatment of the two opposing theses of communalism and individualism since these have a large bearing on the main concerns on his Conception of Culture in an African Modernity.
3.1 MORALITY AND CUSTOM
Wiredus’s treatment of Morality and custom is aimed at demonstrating the significance of Morality over custom and overall to demonstrate that that there is a Universal morality among the cultures and morality is one element of culture that is universal. He achieves this in different ways.
Firstly, he argues that, unlike Custom, Morality is intrinsically obligatory. Moral rules are obligatory in themselves. Morality has rules that transcend not only space, but also time. Thus, moral rules can do the ethical organisation of a society because of this quality. To demonstrate this intrinsic obligatoriness of moral rules Wiredu gives two examples drawn from the Akan society. He argues that among the Akan, a considerable value is attached to the beauty of speech and the possession of such a quality is seen as a qualification in the traditional courts. Within the same Akan society there are also rules pertaining to greetings. Failure to observe such rules is seen as a serious offence.
However, Wiredu argues that such rules are motivated by values, which are not universal. This means these rules, though accorded such value in the Akan Society are of less value and significance or no value at all in other societies. Therefore, the principles of evaluating customs unlike those used in the evaluation of morality are relative to specific social organisations (Wiredu, 19986:36). Thus, customs encompasses things as traditions, manners, conventions, grammars, vocabularies taboos and mores and they are not universally valid principles. The wrongness or the rightness or rather the propriety and impropriety of these customs is cultural relative (Wiredu, 1986:36). On the other hand, Wiredu says whether you a Ghanaian or an American or any individual of any other nationality culture, race or nationality, truth telling is an Unconditional obligation. This is a clear demarcation between rules, which are a matter of custom, and those, which are a matter of morals. The Akan rules of the beauty of speech and the rules of greeting are just a matter of custom and not a matter of morality. Thus, though some customs are obligatory, the nature of the obligatoriness of a custom is often or even always relative to a specific culture, society and grouping. Nevertheless, despite the lack of intrinsic obligatoriness in customs, this does not render customs absolute. Wiredu is quick on this, arguing that “This insistence on the separation in thought between custom and morality does not assuredly, carry any suggestion that customs cannot form a basis for discrimination of the good and the bad indifferent” (Wiredu, 1986:39). Customs therefore supplements morals in maintaining the good of the people.   
The second important characteristic of Moral rules as compared to customs is that, a moral rule is unconditional-it is not contingent. A moral rule is unconditional because the exclusion of it could lead to human suffering. In Wiredu’s phraseology, “A rule of conduct is not a moral rule unless its non-existence or reversal would bring the collapse of human suffering (Wiredu, 2:63). A good example is to imagine a society where the rule of truth telling was to be reversed. That, circumstance would lead to the fall of that community. In such a community, to borrow Hobbes Jargon, as Wiredu does life would be “solitary, poor, nasty brutish” and probably short (Wiredu, 1986:36). Therefore, consistency is the necessary condition for a moral rule, for without it, the human society can be at risk.
Moreover, the rationale of any moral rule is the harmonisation of the interests of the individual with the interests of others in the society (Wiredu, 1995:64). What is central in morality is the problem arising from the fact that not every human being is concern with others interests, others human beings persistently and constantly advance their own interests. It is in consideration of this egoistic nature of human beings that an imperative arises, which Wiredu emulates from the Kantian ethics of deontology asserting, “Let your conduct at all times manifest a due concern for the interests of others”. This is what Wiredu terms as the “principle of sympathetic impartiality” (Wiredu1986:37). Morality, unlike custom, from the standpoint of conduct is the motivated pursuit of sympathetic impartiality. The principle of sympathetic impartiality carries such values as truthfulness, honesty, justice, chastity that does not vary from culture to culture. It is this principle that makes morality universal.
4.0 CULTURE IN AFRICAN MODERNITY: COMMUNALISM AND INDIVIDUALISM.
Wiredu’s conception of modernity is closely linked to two opposite modes of existence in traditional African society: Communalism and Individualism. Wiredu links communalism with Morality asserting that Morality involves the harmonisation of interests. Therefore, communalism as a thesis is more capable of harmonising the interests of the individual with those of the community. Modernity, which has come about because of urbanisation via industrialisation, has had negative impacts of the African traditional communal life. This is why Wiredu concentrate much discussing the effects of modernity on traditional culture. However, it is also worthy noting that communalism as opposed to individualism is a contested theme in African philosophy. Most African Philosophers starting from Senghor, Nyasani, Gykye, Mbiti, and Wiredu considers the African modes of existence at initial stages prior to colonialism or modernisation as communalistic. Several writings of ethnophilosophers may support this claim.
To begin with, in advancing the communality thesis Augustine Shutte asserted that “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu” meaning a person is a person through other persons (Shutte 1993:460). This traditional African aphorism articulates a basic respect and compassion for others. The community in this sense empowers and inculcates personness. Augmenting this, Nyasani (1997 in Lassiter 1999), states that the African individual hardly knows how to act outside the context of his community prescriptions. For, Nyasani the existence of the individual in African society is “quasi dissolution” into the reality of others for the sake of individuals’ existence. Fundamentally, Mbiti who did a vast research on communalism of the African continent provides a powerful thesis of communalism, which captures Wiredu’s idea on the same.Mbiti states that the individual has little latitude for self-determination outside the context of the traditional African family and community. Quoting him verbatim, he says that:
“Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group and whatever happens to the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say ‘I am because we are and since we are therefore I am’. This is the cardinal point of understanding of the African view of man (Mbiti 1969:109).
Thus, in communal society the individual has a strong attachment to the members and hence has more fundamental duties and responsibilities to fulfil. Kwasi Gykye captures this point arguing that it is from this combined sense of personhood and communal membership that the family and community expect individuals to take personal enhancing and socially responsible decisions and actions (1988:31-32). In communal setting therefore, there is a full manifestation of the notion of morality as the harmonisation of interests and full manifestation of personness as one endowed with social duties and responsibilities, not one perusing particular ends. Unlike in individualistic societies, the individual in the communal setting is motivated by the supreme law of morality of “sympathetic impartiality” (Wiredu 1986:37), with this principle, an individuals ends are in accord with communal ends; in pursuance of the particular ends the individual achieves the common good. The notion of communalism as advanced by Wiredu may therefore be liken to Rousseau’s General will, in which genuine freedom is manifested when the particular ends of the individual meet the common good of the society. Wiredu feels that modernity has dissolved these benefits of communal life in the urban Africa.
Firstly, modernity has replaced communalism with individualism. Wiredu argues that industrialisation leading to urbanisation has brought a bent in the Akan ethics. The word “communalistic” itself might be used to characterise the bent of that ethic. The outlook of morality in an African modernity, specifically in Akan society is defined in terms of the adjustments of the interests of society to those of the individual, which is a characteristic of individualism (wiredu1995:71). This individualism has hazardous effects on morality. Wiredu observes that communalistic orientation can provide an added incentive to the moral motivation. On the contrary, “the apparent concomitants of industrialisation are eroding this mechanism for the enforcement of morals” (Wiredu 1995:71)
Furthermore, because of urbanisation, city dwellers do not have the benefits of the support or the sanctions of the systems of caring that were a characteristic of the traditional community life. Consequently, they lack the sympathetic impartiality, which is the principle moral virtue. The Africans living in the urban cities lacks the rights and privileges that originated from the household relations of kingships, which in turn provided a natural school for the training in the practices of sympathetic impartiality, which is the root of all moral virtue. Most importantly, drawing from the foregoing discussion, Wiredu argues and concludes that the urban is a false community in which individuals are heaped together by circumstances of industry, but are morally loosely connected to each other. Their bond is consumption and the individuals are void of solidarity and social obligations.
The individual in an African modernity lacks social responsibility, contrary to the fundament principle of personhood in traditional community where “a person is not just an individual of human parentage, but also one evincing in her projects and achievements and adequate sense of social responsibility”(Wiredu1995:71). The actions of individuals in the cities are only motivated by human sympathy, not the principle of sympathetic impartiality, which Wiredu considers the fundamental law of morality. Wiredu Strongly argues that, “Bereft of the traditional underpinnings, of this sense of responsibility, the city dweller is left with nothing but his basic sense of human sympathy” (Wiredu 1986:32)). He proceeds arguing that it is because of the lack of sympathetic impartiality and lack of sanctions that were a feature of the traditional community that we see an increase in crime in the cities. This scenario comes about because the individual in the urban advances his own interests, thus, the principle of morality as a harmonisation of interests has lost its value and has been rendered absolute.   
He further argues that mostly industrialisation seems to prove to be disastrous to the system of communalism that characterised by care and solidarity which was typical of traditional Africa. For Wiredu, industrialisation is the destroyer of communal Africa. This however does not entail that industrialisation is bad in its totality; industrialisation has brought some positive things.  The challenge for Wiredu therefore is to find the means of reaping the fruits of this modernisation while discarding its negative effects. The argument is that, as Africa modernises the claim to communal life becomes weaker and weaker. Communalism is under threat by modernity.
5.0.A RESPONSE TO WIREDU’S CONCEPT OF CULTURE IN AN AFRICAN   MODERNITY
To begin with, Wiredu claims that modernity, which has come because of industrialisation, has destroyed the communal life of traditional Africa. To this claim, one may argue that even though communal life has been destroyed by industrialisation, the changes are not hazardous. This argument rests on Wiredu’s understanding of Morality. Somewhere else in this paper Wiredu has stipulated that Morality is intrinsically obligatoriness and unconditional. Morality is universal and is not relative to any culture or environment. Morality is also more fundamental than customs that is in terms of significance and value. Therefore, whether one lives in the traditional or urban setting it makes no difference at all, as far as morality is concern. Therefore, a move from the pre modern to the urban does not involve any change of morality, but rather a change in custom, which to Wiredu has a lesser significance and value. Wiredu even states, “[T]he real difference between communalism and individualism has to do with custom” (Wiredu1995:72). Therefore, one may question the foundation of Wiredu’s concern, because a shift from the traditional to the urban causes no any moral decay, - that is if we hold Wiredu conception and attributes of morality.
Secondly, Wiredu has argued that the urban is a false community, which natures “Homo economicus” lumped together by the circumstances of industry and are loosely connected to each other. On this, Wiredu assumes that individuals are driven by same interests and motives at all circumstances and environment. It is therefore worth pointing out that an individual needs and interests changes with time and space. The main moderating variable being the changes in environment, which forces an individual to find alternative means of subsistence. Therefore, to label the urban as a false community and view the urban individual as a “Homo economicus” motivated by circumstances of industry is tantamount to a static view of life, discarding the dynamism of it. The traditional community dweller has needs different to those of the urban dweller. To judge the urban life, based on standards of traditional community or rural life is tantamount to the imposition of the western categories on the African culture. Therefore, the urban community is authentic just as the traditional community is, and both have to be judged independent of the other.   
Wiredu further claimed that an individual in the urban lacks responsibility and there is no solidarity because the individuals are only motivated by human sympathy and not sympathetic impartiality. In other words, the relations between individuals in the urban are not genuine unlike those in the traditional community. On this, it is worth noting that the individuals in the communal setting are attached to other by the bonds of kingship. Considering this, it is sceptical as to whether their actions are motivated by pure human concern or the kingship attachments. The point am advancing is that, the urban individual actions are the ones that may be said to be motivated by human concern, because despite that these people have no any kinship relations are able to accord to each other the human sympathy and dignity, though as Wiredu argues, this is motivated by the circumstances of industry.
Wiredu also argues that the individuals in the urban are motivated by selfish ends. This arises from the fact that individualism calls for the adjustment of society interests to those of an individual and not the individual adjusting his interests to those of the society. However, it is worth again to point out that individuals in any social setting are also egoistic not always altruistic as Wiredu may appeal to us. The individual in a traditional community has few needs than in an urban setting. Therefore, it is easy for community dwellers to have a common goal since their particular needs are not different from the common needs. Overall, even in a situation where one acts in conformity with the interests of others, still a degree of egoism is attached, because the individual in such a situation fears that if he fails to consider the interests of others in his endeavours, his colleagues will follow suit. Therefore, the actions of individuals, whether in communalistic or individualistic societies, are motivated by selfishness only that in individualistic society the egoism is clear while in communalistic society it is disguised as social responsibility. Wiredu partly accepts this when states,
“[The] distinction between communalism and individualism is one of degree only; for a considerable value may be attached to communality in individualistic societies just as individuality is not necessarily trivialised within communalism…[The] two orientations can coexist in different sectors of the same society (Wiredu 1995:76).
From this, one can argue that even in industrial Africa there is a communal culture operating some sectors. 
Additionally, it seems Wiredu lacks consistency in his argumentation and presentation of facts. He mentions that difference between communalism and individualism has to do with custom and lifestyle. This entails that the morality of urban dwellers and communal dwellers is similar. Sparingly, when Wiredu talks of the increase in crime in industrial Africa he alludes to the claim that relations in industrial are not motivated by the principle of sympathetic impartiality, which is the supreme moral virtue. This presupposes that industrial Africa has no morals, yet he said these moral are universal in any environ. This is a contraction, because it means the difference between communalism and individualism is not only on custom as he first presented but also on morality.
Moreover, even though Wiredu put much of the blame on industrialisation and modernity on the withering of communal life, it can be argued that modernisation is any society, no matter how primitive it may be, is both inevitable and necessary. In talking of modernity, Wiredu often times refers to the coming of Westerners and implicitly regards them as the perpetrators of modernity, which has affected communal Africa. However, even without the coming of the foreigners, still Africa would have modernised with the time and the changes affecting communal life would have occurred. Therefore, to blame modernity is to implicitly advocate for a non-progressive, static society. The main concern for Wiredu should be finding strategies on how Africa can modernise without losing the fabric of its culture.
Wiredu also tackled the problem of crime, stating that African modernity experiences an increase in the rate of crime as compared to traditional Africa, to the extent that in his analysis of this problem he leaves room for one to assume that before modernity there were no crimes. This increase in crime, according to Wiredu is due to the discarding of the principle of sympathetic impartiality, which is the fundamental law of morality. This claim, though sound to some extent is not a necessary explanation. Population increase can be attributed to this increase in crime rate. In pre-modern Africa, recourses were abundant such that there was no competition on the means of subsistence. However, with the population explosion some people do no have the necessary means for earning a living. As a result, there is competition for resources, and this gives rise to theft and other crimes. Fundamentally, the existence of criminals in town is a clear demonstration that there were also potential criminals in the traditional community, since they are the same people from traditional communities who line in urban cities.
Nevertheless, though the explanation that Wiredu gives is not sufficient to justify, the increase in crime rate, largely I would agree with the Wireduean thesis. Most of the crimes in the urban indeed are motivated by the desire to acquire false needs; these are needs not basic to human survival, like televisions, expensive cars and mobile phones. A critical theorist, Herbert Marcuse captures Wiredu’s concern stating that, the advanced industrial society has created false needs, which integrate the individual into the existing systems of production and consumption via mass media and contemporary modes of thought. This, argues Marcuse, results into a “one dimensional” universe of thought and behaviour in which the aptitude and ability for critical thought wither away. In this modernity, Marcuse concurs with Wiredu, individuals are searching for social connections through material items.    
The last argument that can be levelled against Wiredu concerns the methodology of his research. Wiredu’s research was done only in Nigeria and particularly among the Akan tribe. It is from the findings of that limited research that Wiredu draws several conclusions. These conclusions are then applied to the entire African continent. Much as one can conceive the results or effects of modernity to be universal in all societies, yet one should not rule out the fact that different cultures resist or adapt to foreign influences differently. It is therefore fallacious for Wiredu to draw sweeping conclusions based on the study of one particular tribe. Therefore, Wiredu’s conception of culture in African Modernity rests on the fallacy of hasty generalisation. The strength of inductive conclusions depends on the diversity of the samples. Consequently, in order to make good conclusions Wiredu’s research was supposed to be broad and adopt a phenomenological approach not a theoretical armchair research.
6.0.CONCLUSION
To sum up, this paper has examined Wiredu’s conception of culture in African Modernity. Among other things it has exposed that culture can be understood in two different ways. The first way of conceiving culture is by looking at it as social forms and customary beliefs and practices of a human group. The other way is to conceive it as social forms and customary beliefs and practices of a human group but which further depend on the existence of  language, knowledge, communication and interaction as well as the methods of language acquisition. It has been argued that morality is universal and it is intrinsically obligatory and unconditional. On the other hand, custom is relative to a particular grouping, space and time. Modernity is three-dimensional phenomena, which comprises industrialisation, communication and, commerce and trade. It is modernity, which is central in Wiredu’s argument on communalism and   individualism. Wiredu’s central argument is that modernity via industrialisation has destroyed the African communal life. Modernity, according to Wiredu has replaced the fundamental law of morality, the principle of sympathetic impartiality with mere human sympathy. This in turn, has led to loose relations among the urban dwellers, to such an extent that their relations and morality is motivated by the circumstances of industry. Industrialisation in general, has given birth to “Homo economicus” who is searching for social connections through material items. A good part of this paper was therefore an analysis of  these claims and it has been demonstrated that even though Wiredu’s concern on the culture in African modernity are sound, some of the arguments regarding communalism and individualism, and above all his conception of culture in an African Modernity leaves a room for further discussions.














REFERENCES
Gyekye, Kwame. The unexamined life: Philosophy and the African Experience. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1988.
Lassiter, J.E. African Culture And Personality: Bad Social Science, Effective Social Activism, Or A Call To Reinvent Ethnology? http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v3/v3i2a1.htm
Marcuse, H ‘One Dimensional Man” "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One-Dimensional_Man
Mbiti, John S. African religions and philosophy. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969
Shutte, Augustine. Philosophy for Africa. Rodenbosch: University of Cape Town Press.1993.
Wiredu, K. "Custom and Morality: A Comparative Analysis of some African and Western Conceptions of Morals" in Albert G. Mosley, African Philosophy: Selected Readings, Englewood Cliff: Prentice Hall, 1995.
______ Universals and Particulars. Indianapolis: Bloomington, 1988.
______“Problems in Africa’s self-definition in the contemporary world”

EAST ASIA DEVELOPMENT: Can Malawi Learn Something?



EAST ASIA TREMENDOUS ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT: WHAT EXPLAINS SUCH PROGRESS AND WHAT CAN AFRICA LEARN FROM THE SUCCESS AND FAILURES IN THE EAST ASIAN DEVELOPMENT STORY.
The economy of East Asia has been one of the successful regional economies in the world. Singapore, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Indonesia, and Malaysia, have been termed as High Performing Asian Economies, (HPAEs) because they have achieved rapid and sustained growth rates for over four decades. Thus, while growth in many African countries growth has been stagnant, East Asia has experienced a rapid and dynamic industrialization, with a remarkable shift from simple manufacturing to highly sophisticated technologies. Though growth in early stages is often associated with high levels of income inequality, as maintained by Kuznets (1955), East Asia has been an exception to this. The growth has been followed by reduced income inequality (Page 1994:222). This is evident if one examines the Gini coefficient of these economies. However, it is also worth pointing out that growth in East Asia has not always been without hurdles. From 1997 to1998 the East Asian economies faced a contagious currency crisis which originated from Indonesia and spread to other nations. It led to unemployment and a sharp decline in growth rates.  Notwithstanding this crisis, the economies in East Asia were able to bounce back to the path of social progress and economic prosperity. However, other the failures in the East Asia development experience have been associated with environmental pollution, and congestion. They have not been able to strike a balance between economic development and environmental conservation.
The successes and failures in the East Asia Economies provide a benchmark of development policy implications for Africa where growth has mostly stagnated and sometimes retrogressive.   Though the World Bank report of 1993 summaries the reasons of the successes as being a result of getting fundamentals right and some selective state interventions and tries to give more weight to the former, this paper argues that a single model cannot not be effectively and sufficiently constructed to explain East Asia development experience because there are no common patterns among the countries.  However, some limited generalizations can be made and it is from these generalizations where we can form a basis of discussion for an African development policy.
To begin with, leadership centered on the principle of shared growth has been one of the formidable factors for spectacular growth in East Asia. Strong and committed leaders who were able to convince the populace that growth would be shared gained legitimacy, created stability and natured an environment for rapid growth (Campos and Root 1996:1).  The leaders played a role of coordinating the expectations of different sectors and actors of the population. This alone is an ingredient factor for success that is lacking in most African countries. African countries have not been able to synthesize and coordinate the interests of the various actors in development. . Instead, leadership has been a business of pleasing a minority few. This has resulted in lack of social cohesion and disruptions in development policy direction. In Malawi it is the political elites that have enjoyed much since independence and politicians have not been vigilant to promote the interests of the populace. Moreover, development policies in Africa have lacked coherence and continuity.  African countries just resorted to short term development projects which do have a transformative effect. Investments in industry and infrastructure requires a consistency in policy direction because they are long term. A good example of an African country that has done exceptionally better is Botswana. Since independence Botswana development policy has been consistent despite change in regimes.  Campos and Root (1996:4) also notes that a regime founded on the whims of narrow groups is a major source for instability. That is, uncertain of their future such regimes gain as much as they can from government when it is their turn as has been the case with the previous regimes in Malawi. What exists in many African countries is a vampire state, a government , of thugs and crooks who use the instruments of the state to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribesmen (Ayiitey 2002:5).  Leadership centered on patronage has been a breeding ground of corruption, favoritism and rent seeking and these are some of the major evils denting the prospects of an African development. Though, many of the African countries embraced democratic leadership it has shown that democracy alone in not a panacea to its ills. That democracy alone does not guarantee economic success is a lesson that can be drawn by many of the Africa leaders.
East Asia economies were also accumulated of human capital. Human Capital accumulation involves empowering people with knowledge, skills, and capacities. It has been noted that investment in education and training is the main key to progress from one level of economic development to another because it has political and socio-economic gains. (De Silva 1997:1). Politically it prepares people for adult participation in the political processes- a critical mass. Socially, it helps the people to live fuller richer lives less bound by tradition. Economically, human capital is one of the chief factor for economic growth. The total output of an economy is a function of its resource endowments, that is, capital, and human capital, and the productivity with which these endowments are deployed to produce (Rodrick 2003:4).  If this holds then African countries have more to do in the education sector. The Asia Economies achieved universal primary school and had a broadly based secondary school and more importantly managed to close the gap between female and male enrollments (Page 1994: 246). The structure of the education system is also one to embrace. Like the East Asian economies the focus of education in African schools needs to be on vocational training and skills transfer not on only basic literacy and numeracy. Looking at statistics one gets the impression that African governments have done little on education. East Asian expenditure on education per student rose by 355% between 19970 and 1989. The Asian economies therefore had people with higher literacy and numeracy rates and therefore substantially higher cognitive skills.  In comparison, expenditure in Kenya just rose by 38% during the same period (Page Ibid). Africa is therefore facing a dual challenge of increasing literacy rates and restructuring its education systems to make it more responsive and relevant to the current challenges and needs.
East Asia States also developed long lasting wealth sharing mechanisms which were implemented through a comprehensive rural development package. Root and Campos (1996:50) observes that unlike in many of the developing countries where subsidies in fuel and food are means of wealth sharing, the economies in East Asia embarked on transformative and long term income distribution mechanisms specifically aimed at rural and agriculture development. Taiwan and South Korea implemented land reforms aimed at land distribution. The state invested in infrastructure especially in communication network and this linked the producers to consumers in the urban centers. Credit markets for farmers were also established and farmers were offered market information and this was important because it insulated farmers from rent seekers who would extract profits from the farmers.  This is why East Asia has been exceptional in combining income growth and reducing inequality. Infrastructure development is one of the major challenge for African nations. The road network is not well established. Producers are not linked with consumers.  Goods are often sold to middlemen who extract profits from the poor farmers. The middle man in the tobacco farming in Malawi gets richer as the farmers lives in absolute poverty. Rural development is an integral part of the nation’s development as such efforts should be done to develop the road infrastructure.  Information asymmetries also makes it imperative for government to intervene to protect the interests of the rural farmers form rent seekers who extract profits from the farmers.
It is a general fact that the public civil service in most the developing countries lacks the capacity to perform. On the other hand, East Asia development has been attributed to a high performing civil service insulated from political pressures. (Campos and Root 1996: 4). The technocrats in the civil service were able to craft good policies which were implemented by government. The economies had a merit based recruitment and promotions grounded on a stiffer civil service examination and had a well-defined career path (Ibid).  All these are in short supply in many of the African countries. Instead, higher public offices are given as booty to party followers, a tendency that negatively affects motivation, performance and delivery in the public service. The civil service in Malawi has been contaminated with this problem. For instance, Ministry of Education, especially the teaching service lacks clear guidelines on performance appraisal and promotion. The composition of the public civil service is also a major problem as there are more junior staffs while important senior positions are understaffed. If African countries are to make a breakthrough then then they should make serious efforts to reform the public service in order to iron out these irregularities. There is a need to depoliticize the civil service and authorities should give room for criticism and implement the policies formulated by technocrats. Reforms requires a political will, and a more determined government that will perceive beyond re- elections. Reforms are politically disastrous and socially painful to cope up with.  But for African countries to develop they are not supposed to do business as usual.  It is this usual way of running government that has stagnated development prospects.
State intervention in industrial policy is also a major factor that promoted sustained growth in the East Asian economies. In the poorest or transition countries, domestic markets are extremely primitive. In terms of productivity, organization and human resources, such countries have not reached a stage where mere deregulation can unleash the latent market power to sound development (Ohno 2002:6). This demands state intervention to provide direction and coordinate the various actors in the economy. East Asian mobilized resources for capital intensive industries,    invested in development research and infrastructure like roads, railways, communication lines and ports and protected infant industries. These are investments that cannot be left to the market in the initial phases of a country’s development. The private sector is motivated by short term investments whose profits are immediate. The government is well positioned to do long term investments even if their profitability is not immediate.  Most of the developing African countries have not made investments in key priority areas which could have spillover effects on the economy. It is has been argued that higher levels of public investment is positively correlated to aggregate economic growth because states do not merely engage in massive investments, but they also mobilize savings for investment and this may entail moving funds from the private to public. (Kriekhaus, 2004:9).   Interventions however should be done with caution and the funds must be used efficiently to avoid eroding private sector confidence.
 The economies in East Asia also managed to achieve high state savings rates which is a necessary factor for economic growth. The Harold-Domar growth model states that “to grow, economies must save and invest a certain proportion of their GDP. The more they can save and invest, the faster they can grow”. (Todaro 2011:112). Weiss notes that the economies of east Asia maintained reasonably higher savings, invested in industry and manufacturing and this was a major condition for the initial takeoff in the 1960s (Weiss 2005:2). Most of these economies began with technologically simple labour intensive manufacturing like clothing, sports goods and processed foods before shifting to capital intensive technologically sophisticated items. This means African countries still have opportunities to exploit by venturing into these simple manufacturing. It is disappointing to note that most developing countries have not being able to develop simple manufacturing methods which could help in the adding value to its products.   Negative savings rates that have been sustained for decades is also a challenge which African countries needs to overcome. There is a need for Africa to find mechanisms to save and invest in key priority areas of industrial development and infrastructure because these are areas with diverse positive externalities. However, Kriekhaus (2004:10) notes that late industrialization requires heavy capital investments and in order to generate such capital the state should the active role of capital mobilization. In Africa there is a great need for a state led industrialization. The industrial policy in East Asia involved a number policy instruments such as import protection, subsidies for capital and input goods, rewarding performing industries through tax reduction,  loans for further investment, and setting export targets. These were incentives for growth and are a policy option for African nations, but they have re-craft them to suit their contexts. However, interventions also prove useful in environments where there properly functioning and well developed institutions, otherwise state interventions may also result in economic hurdles, and promotion of corruption. For instance, most of the state interventions in Africa and Malawi specifically on fertilizer and fuel have resulted into prolonged deficits, more debts and negative growth rates. Thus, African nations have to identify of key priority areas for investment which will have aggregate spillover effects and intervene in those areas.
The Industrial policies which were export oriented enabled East Asian integration in the international market and make a rapid structural transformation of the economies. It is held that for nations to experience remarkable growth there is a strong need to move from primary extractive activities to the production of manufactured goods and services (Kalua, 2010:3). Japan for instance, shifted from the production of cotton to the manufacturing of consumer technology products which are demand inelastic. This has been a general trend among the East Asia economies. They have made heavy investments in the manufacturing of technology products. Singapore is an economy that has grown much through the service industry. It has managed to position itself as a transport service provider by constructing one of the busiest and profitable ports in the world.  In most of these economies though agriculture experienced growth in productivity, it was becoming less important in the share of the economies GDP. In comparison, the participation of most African states in international trade has been minimal and their share concentrates much on primary goods which are demand elastic, and their prices are not stable. African countries have to exploit this avenue by engaging in manufacturing of their products before exporting them. It is equally important for African countries to stop being over reliance on traditional agriculture as a source of revenue and fast track towards a technological catch up. The international trade is too competitive. The government must actively promote international integration while managing its risks. Developing countries must design an integration timetable which promotes exports while avoiding economic crisis and social instability and this requires an active state (Ohno, 2002:6)
The economies in East Asia also practiced good macroeconomic management by , maintaining limited fiscal deficits, keeping inflation under control and making it more predictable, and maintaining stable interest rates. By maintaining low budget deficit these countries avoided falling into the trap of foreign debts. Low and predictable inflation has been a major incentive to invest in long term projects that have higher returns. In most African countries the economies are not predictable, inflation rates are just too high and interest rates above the profit margin. This is the reason why even after liberation of their economies African countries have not been able to attract adequate foreign direct investment. This is not surprising given the fact that private capital inflows go to countries and regions with the highest financial returns and the greatest perceived safety. Where debt problems are severe, governments are unstable, and economic reforms remain incomplete, the risks of capital loss can be high (Todaro 2011:686). Botswana is one of the African countries that has done much better than the other sub Saharan African countries.  It has managed to control fiscal deficits and International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have just played an advisory role because it recognized the dangers of heavy borrowing (Beaulier, 235).

East Asian management of microeconomic variables was both a factor for success and cause economic failure, from which African countries need to draw a lesson. Todaro also notes that though East Asia employed a number of neo-classical economic tenets, it is erroneous to conclude that the High Preforming Asian Economies (HPAEs) were strict adherents of the free market school of economics (Todaro 2011:127). Indeed a cross analysis of the economies of East Asia indicates that states played an active role of manipulating microeconomic variables. For instance, most of the governments followed an exchange rate policy that ranged from fixed, but adjustable with steep devaluations, to managed floating exchange rate regimes (Page 1994:223). This was a source of both success and failure.  IMF and neo-classical economists argue that the root cause of the East Asian currency crisis was not temporary shortage of liquidity but fundamental defects in the East Asian economic structure (Tae Lee, p1). Though one finds this to be inconsistent with previous explanations for Asian Success by World Bank report. However, the key principle with Asian microeconomic management is that, is was very responsive to market changes and this explains why the economies were quick to return to the pre-crisis development trajectory.  For African countries, this is a skill worth adopting. Malawi did not respond timely to calls of devaluation between 2009 and 2012 and when a devaluation came it hit hard. It is important to have conservative macroeconomic policies on one hand and extensive and effective micro-economic intervention on the other (Wen Chu: 8). Developing African countries should craft their microeconomic policies on this basis.  
Apart from the currency crisis, East Asian economies are facing a number of new problems. The region has failed to make a trade-off between economic growth and environmental conservation (Ueta & Mori, 2007:165) Rapid industrialization has brought environment pollution in the cities. Thus, it is important that while African countries are industrialization they should put in place policies that will ensure environmental protection and sustainable development. There is a need for Virgin African countries to frame and industrial policy that will not only ensure economic growth but also sustainable development. African countries can take advantage of their backwardness in technological and industrial back up by learning a number of lessons. They should learn and less polluting and less resource intensive technology and adopt production processes that reduce pollutant and waste discharge. They can learn experiences of environmental policy, institutions and management, and make land use planning and establish investment location policy to promote location of less pollution industries
The discussion in this paper has demonstrated the difficulty of constructing a one size fits all model of development from the East Asia development experience. The methods that were used were country and time specific and ranged from state intervention to market led development. Therefore, even though some of the literature has focused much on examining which factor, between the state and the market has played a great role in the development of the Asian economies, this paper maintains that growth and prosperity in East Asia has been a coordination and interplay of a number of factors. State intervention aimed at addressing market failures in the initial phases of development were able to perfect the market, thereby improving allocative efficiency of the market. African countries have more to learn from East Asia. While the main players of economic development are undoubtedly private firms, simply deregulating and opening up the private sector does not guarantee growth if the country is burdened with underdeveloped markets, lack of human resources and technology, and low productivity. In order to kick start an economy trapped in the vicious circle of low income, low savings, and low technology, the role of government is crucial as an external agent imparting order and direction to the national economy






















REFERENCES
Ayittey, G. (1998) Africa in Chaos. St Martin’s Press. New York
Beaulier, Scott A. Explaining Botswana’s success: The Critical Role of Post-Colonial Policy,

Campos J.E. and Root H.L (1996), The Key to the Asian Miracle: Making Shared Growth Credible, Brookings Institute
Chu Wan-wen, The Theoretical Analysis of Industrial Policy: A Review
De Silva S (1997), Human Resources Development for Competitiveness:  A Priority for Employers International Labour Office 
International Monetary Fund, East Asia Currency Crisis, https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/1998/06/imfstaff.htm
Kuznets, S. 1955. "Economic Growth and Income Inequality." Americal1 Ecol1omic Review 45 p 1-28
Ohno K, (2002) The East Asian Experience of Economic Development and Cooperation, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
Page J (1994), The East Asian Miracle: Four Lessons for Development in National Bureau for Economic Research Macroeconomics Annual, Volume 9 Policy (p. 219 - 282)
Rodrik D. (Editor) (2003) In Search of Prosperity, Princeton University Press, Princeton In          
Todaro, M.P. & Smith, S.C. (2011). Economic Development (11th Ed.). Pearson, New York.
Ueta, K and Mori, A (2007) Environmental Governance for Sustainable
       Development in East Asia,  The Kyoto Economic Review 76(2) p165–179




Weiss J, Export Growth and Industrial Policy: Lessons from the East Asian Miracle Experience, ADB Institute Discussion Paper No. 26
World Bank (1993) The East Asian Miracle, World Bank, Washington DC